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An energy union without interconnections? Public acceptance of cross-border interconnectors in four European countries
(Elsevier, 2023-03-01) Lázaro Touza, Lara; Escribano Francés, Gonzalo::virtual::3222::600; González Enríquez, María del Carmen::virtual::3223::600; Paredes Gázquez, Juan Diego::virtual::3224::600; Escribano Francés, Gonzalo; González Enríquez, María del Carmen; Paredes Gázquez, Juan Diego; Escribano Francés, Gonzalo; González Enríquez, María del Carmen; Paredes Gázquez, Juan Diego; Escribano Francés, Gonzalo; González Enríquez, María del Carmen; Paredes Gázquez, Juan Diego
Despite the importance of achieving a functioning and decarbonised European Energy Union (EnU) research addressing the public acceptance of cross-border energy interconnections at a European-wide level based upon public opinion polls is limited. To try to fill this gap in the literature, this article relies on a poll with 4000 respondents from the four big EU energy markets: France, Germany, Italy and Spain, including as a new explanatory variable their proximity to an electrical cross-border substation. Overall, 57,4% respondents have not heard about energy interconnections, and 69,2% have not ever heard about the internal energy market. Approaching public acceptance from a procedural justice framework, the article considers procedural justice as a pre-condition? For a fair policy-making process. By addressing the public acceptance of cross-border energy interconnections, the article aims to contribute to the existing literature on their linkages of said interconnections with the European energy policy-making process, deriving specific policy implications to foster cross-border interconnections and energy integration within the EnU.
COVID-19: a political virus? VOX’s populist discourse in times of crisis
(Frontiers, 2021-06-18) Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Rama, José
Spain has been one of the hardest hit countries by the COVID-19 pandemic, and this crisis presented a window of opportunity for VOX, as it has for other far right parties, to raise its visibility as opposition force. This paper investigates whether the discourse of VOX has evolved during the pandemic and affected the political dynamics in Spain. This article proposes a new multidimensional strategy to measure the degree of populism in political communications, via quantitative and qualitative content analysis. It dissects the parliamentary speeches of the leader of VOX, Santiago Abascal, in the debates for the approval and extension of the “state of alarm” to fight against COVID-19 between March and June 2020. In order to assess the changes and relative intensity of populist features in Abascal’s parliamentary speeches we compared them with his speech during Pedro Sánchez’s investiture session as the Spanish President of the Government, in January 2020, and VOX’s latest political manifestos—2019 European and Spanish General Elections—, as well as with speeches of the representatives of the five main parties and coalitions during the COVID-19 debates in the Spanish Congress.Our paper shows that populists’ discourses are context-dependent and that their performances are not only shaped by crisis but also constitutive of crisis. The density of populist references in Abascal’s speeches grew steadily during the period analysed. Morality and antagonism overshadowed sovereignty and society as key populist attributes, and the tone of the discourse became increasingly hyperbolic. Moreover, Abascal’s discursive performances had a sort of contagion effect in other parties in the parliamentary sessions studied. People’s Party (Partido Popular–PP) leader Pablo Casado chose to follow VOX and harshly criticized the government, meanwhile the discourses of the speakers of Together We Can (Unidas Podemos–UP) and Catalan Republican Left (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya–ERC), adopted a demonizing rhetoric against VOX and PP also grounded on a populist logic of articulation. This polarizing dynamic between competing Manichean discourses contributed to reinforce the sense of crisis by adding a political dimension to the already existing health and economic problems.
De la “memoria histórica” a la “memoria democrática”. La evolución de las políticas públicas de memoria y justicia transicional en España
(Fundación Alternativas, 2023) Aguilar Fernández, Paloma; Jimeno Aranguren, Roldán; Ferreirós Orihuel, Inés; Penadés, Alberto; Garmendia, Amuitz
The Decline of the Spanish National Identity during the Economic Crisis
(Centro de Investigaciones Sociologicas) Ruiz Jiménez, Antonia María; Romero Portillo, Daniel; González Enríquez, María del Carmen
Este artículo analiza la evolución de la fuerza y la naturaleza de la identidad nacional española entre dos años, 2002 y 2015, antes y después de la crisis económica iniciada en 2008. Existe una correlación entre los factores económicos y la identidad nacional española, de manera que esta se ha debilitado durante el periodo analizado y han perdido peso relativo en ella algunos elementos cívicos. Para testar el peso específico de la crisis económica en esta evolución se realiza un análisis de cohortes ficticias en el que se relaciona la evolución del poder adquisitivo salarial de los diferentes grupos de edad con la evolución de su sentimiento de identidad nacional. Por otra parte, se analiza la evolución del sentimiento de orgullo de ser español en relación con el de otros factores individuales sociodemográficos y políticos. Finalmente se investiga el cambio en las dimensiones de la identidad nacional española.
Disagreeing to Agree: Populism and Consensus Among Members of Parliaments and Their Voters
(Sage Publications, 2024) Pamies, Carles; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Santana, Andrés; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4993-2178; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2594-1360
Populism is theoretically associated with an antagonistic interpretation of politics. Populists tend to morally delegitimize their adversaries, exhibit “bad manners” toward them, and sometimes even try to exclude them from “the people.” They are also more inclined to prioritize radical policy and institutional changes. Therefore, populism appears to be directly at odds with consensus politics. This research aims to empirically test this relationship. Using two original surveys focused on the Spanish context, we investigate the relationship between populist attitudes and the propensity to consensual political solutions, examining both citizens and their political representatives. Our results confirm that populist attitudes contribute to low support for consensual approaches toward politics among both members of parliament (MPs) and citizens, but this relationship depends on the individual’s specific dimensions of populism. Anti-systemic and moral Manichaean attitudes are associated with less consensual preferences both for MPs and citizens, whereas people-centrist and identitarian populist attitudes exhibit this negative effect only among citizens. These results provide new insights into the ramifications of populist attitudes and underscore the importance of empirically examining the concept of populism across its various dimensions.
A fence of opportunity: on how Vox radical right populist narratives frame and fuel crises in the border between Spain and Morocco
(John Benjamins, 2024-03-07) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
This article deconstructs the parliamentary discourses regarding two migratory incidents in Ceuta, May 2021, and Melilla, June 2022, when hundreds of people attempted to cross the fences that separate Morocco from Spain. Most of them were immediately deported, many injured, and several died. This analysis compares the density of populist, anti-populist, re-bordering, and de-bordering references in forty-five speeches at the Spanish Congress regarding both tragic events. Vox speakers articulate a distinct discourse that instrumentalises these incidents to convey a sense of existential crisis and to (re)define a populist right-wing political identity based on moral hierarchies, a homogenising conception of society and the exclusion of a dangerous “other.” Meanwhile some parties applied a populist logic to promote de-bordering views and others combined re-bordering and de-bordering claims without imposing a populist frame. This was an opportunity to exhibit a progressive sense of place in borderlands contrasting with Vox’s reactionary one.
From chasing populists to deconstructing populism: a new multidimensional approach to understanding and comparing populism.
(Wiley, 2020-11-21) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
This paper challenges some widespread theoretical assumptions and practices in the study of populism and proposes a new multidimensional approach to generate and analyse data on this latent construct. Rather than focusing on categorising subjects as populists or not, it recommends reaching a better understanding of what populism is, the salience and relative weight of its attributes and how they interact creating an inner populist logic. Despite the increasing media and academic attention, historical discrepancies in how to conceptualise and operationalise populism have hindered cumulative progress in the literature. Initially most efforts were devoted to the study of specific movements, without a clear comparative angle, and the concept of populism was often conflated with that of nationalism. When the literature started to pay more attention to the analysis of the attributes associated with populism serious disagreements emerged concerning its true essence. Populism has been conceptualised as an ideology, a cynical strategy, a performative style and a discursive logic of articulation. The disputes between these competing interpretations have arguably slowed down the generation of comparative data. Although this article is meant to be a critique of the current state of the field and a call to make it pivot into a slightly different direction, it does not adopt an iconoclast stance and largely tries to reconcile the different existing research traditions – ideational, discursive, performative and strategic. It shows that their efforts are to a great extent complementary but mostly operating on different rungs of the ladder of abstraction. This paper argues that shifting from minimal definitions into a multidimensional approach may stimulate the generation of comparative data on a wider range of attributes and facilitate the identification of degrees and varieties within populism. This paper develops a new analytical framework which deconstructs populism into five dimensions: (1) depiction of the polity, (2) morality, (3) construction of society, (4) sovereignty and (5) leadership. These dimensions, that synthesise the most influential conceptualisations of populism, are empirically and theoretically interconnected and encompass ideational, discursive and performative attributes suggested in the literature. These dimensions are in turn composed of lower order attributes forming a multilayered network structure. This multidimensional framework provides a heuristic template that can be adapted and operationalised in diverse ways depending on the hypotheses, type of data and subjects of the analysis. Some examples of how to turn these dimensions into variables to capture supply- and demand-side populism are introduced. Future empirical research could help map and better understand the network of interactions and intersections among these dimensions and attributes. This could be the key to settle some of the current conceptual debates about populism and its varieties.
La excepción española: el fracaso de los grupos de derecha populista pese al paro, la desigualdad y la inmigración
(Real Instituto Elcano, 2017) González Enríquez, María del Carmen
España es excepcional en el panorama político europeo actual, en el que los grupos populistas de derecha, xenófobos, antieuropeos y antiglobalización obtienen relevantes triunfos electorales: a pesar de la crisis económica y de la rápida erosión de la confianza política, en España no ha habido ningún partido populista de derechas que haya obtenido más del 1% del voto en las elecciones generales de los últimos años. ¿Cómo se podría explicar la extraordinaria ausencia de un partido populista de derechas con éxito electoral en España?Utilizando datos publicados (estadísticas y sondeos de opinión), consultas a expertos y resultados de una encuesta original, este estudio de caso analiza diversos factores que influyen en el fracaso del populismo de derechas en España, pese a que el país reúne todos los elementos que suelen presentarse como causa del auge de este tipo de partidos: paro, desigualdad, pobreza, inmigración y descrédito de la clase política. Se analizan varias explicaciones, entre ellas la debilidad de la identidad nacional y el fuerte europeísmo de los españoles.Este informe forma parte del proyecto de investigación Nothing to fear but fear itself?(¿Nada que temer salvo al propio miedo?), una iniciativa del centro de investigación británico Demos, que incluye seis países: Alemania, Polonia, Francia, el Reino Unido, Suecia y España. El informe completo está disponible en (https://www.demos.co.uk/project/nothing-to-fear-but-fear-itself/).
Learning to Catch the Wave? Regional Demands for Constitutional Change in Contexts of Asymmetrical Arrangements
(Taylor & Francis, 2011-11-23) Hombrado Martos, Angustias María
Constitutional reforms affecting the asymmetrical allocation of powers between the constituent units of a federal or quasi-federal state have been generally studied as a bilateral relationship between the federal government and the region(s) asking for special treatment. In contrast, this paper examines the crucial role that non-specially empowered regions can play in these processes by raising anti-asymmetry reactions in the form of ‘catching-up’ and ‘blocking’ demands. A theoretical argument is developed concerning the causal mechanism linking several relevant conditions together (type of asymmetry, the distribution of national identities across regions, relative economic development and party politics) and lying between them and the alternative outcomes.
Memory of the Spanish Civil War
(Bloomsbury, 2023-12-28) Aguilar Fernández, Paloma; Humlebaek, Carsten; Cazorla, Antonio; Menezes de Ribeiro, Alison; Shubert , Adrian
Mobilization capacity and violence against local leaders: Anticlerical violence during the Spanish Civil War
(Sage Journals, 2024) Aguilar Fernández, Paloma; de la Cuesta, Fernando; Sánchez Cuenca, Ignacio; Villamil, Francisco
Research on civilian victimization usually treats all civilians as a unitary group. But not all civilians are the same, nor are they killed for the same reasons. This study highlights a form of wartime civilian victimization that is little understood, even if pervasive across conflicts: violence against local leaders. We argue that this category of civilians are pre-emptively targeted because of their potential to mobilize support. Local leaders with greater mobilization capacity are more likely to be killed. We test this argument using original data on clergy killings during the Spanish Civil War. Results show that clerics were more likely to be killed in municipalities where their capacity for mobilizing people against the Republic was higher, making themselves a potential threat to local armed actors. This study highlights the need to disaggregate the category of civilians, which has suffered from conceptual and empirical overaggregation.
Narcisismo colectivo, populismo y perfiles políticos en Andalucía y Cataluña
(Fundación CENTRA, 2022-02-27) Arias, Manuel; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Clari, Enrique; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1448-4379; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2941-0332
Este artículo analiza la relación entre populismo y narcisismo colectivo a partir de los datos empíricos proporcionados por una encuesta de opinión realizada en Andalucía y Cataluña. Por narcisimo colectivo hay que entender la creencia de que el grupo al que se pertenece es excepcional y carece del reconocimiento que merece. En principio, cabría esperar que el narcisismo colectivo fuese un predictor del populismo, ya que este último se basa en la creación de un antagonismo moralista entre el pueblo auténtico y sus enemigos. Los resultados de la encuesta sugieren que la relación entre narcisismo, populismo e identidades es compleja y se encuentra mediada por factores contextuales de carácter social y político; así sucede con la identificación lingüística en Cataluña en el marco del conflicto separatista. Hallazgo adicional del trabajo es la insuficiencia de la escala de Akkerman et al. (2014) a la hora de identificar el populismo de izquierda.
La opinión pública ante la inmigración y el efecto de VOX
(Real Instituto Elcano, 2021-03-16) Rinken, Sebastian; González Enríquez, María del Carmen
Se analiza aquí la evolución en los últimos años de la opinión pública española ante la inmigración con la aportación de varias encuestas, la más reciente de ellas realizada a finales de 2020. Se constata un ligero aumento de las actitudes negativas ante la inmigración, pero no está claro hasta qué punto eso se debe a la presencia institucional de VOX, ni en qué medida deba atribuirse a la crisis económica provocada por el COVID- 19 o la llegada de inmigrantes irregulares a Canarias. En cambio, el impacto de VOX es palpable en la creciente polarización ideológica de las opiniones, tendencia esta que dificulta un debate racional sobre la inmigración y su gestión.
Los orígenes de la memoria histórica en España: los costes del emprendimiento memorialista en la transición
(Universidad Complutense de Madrid; UNED - Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia, 2022) Aguilar Fernández, Paloma; León Cáceres, Guillermo
Hace tiempo que existe en España un debate sobre si la transición estuvo basada en el olvido y el silencio respecto a la guerra civil y el franquismo o si, por el contrario, hubo un interés manifiesto por ambos asuntos que se vio reflejado en multitud de publicaciones. No hay duda de que el pasado bélico —mucho más que el dictatorial— estuvo presente de diversas maneras en la transición, e incluso se ha constatado que los pioneros de las reivindicaciones de lo que luego se denominó memoria histórica surgieron, precisamente, entonces. Pero lo que aquí se expone es que las acciones encaminadas a reivindicar el recuerdo de las víctimas del franquismo se produjeron, casi exclusivamente, en el ámbito local, y fueron impulsadas por familiares de los fusilados por la dictadura o, en su caso, autoridades municipales en colaboración con estos; casi nunca contaron con el respaldo de las dirigencias regionales —y menos aún nacionales— de los principales partidos y sindicatos de izquierdas. También se subraya que quienes comenzaron a desbrozar este camino tuvieron que afrontar múltiples dificultades e, incluso, en ocasiones asumir algunos riesgos, así como lidiar con una serie de actores aún poderosos que se resistían a la democratización tanto del país como del relato histórico preexistente. Para demostrar estas afirmaciones partimos del caso de Torremejía (Badajoz), cuyo primer alcalde democrático fue objeto de una causa penal por haber ayudado a los vecinos de su localidad a trasladar los restos de los fusilados por los franquistas desde la fosa común al cementerio del pueblo. Hemos accedido, por vez primera, al expediente judicial, a testimonios directos y al archivo municipal. La importancia de este caso trasciende con creces lo meramente local y sirve para ilustrar tanto las posibilidades como los límites de la transición.
Place matters: analyzing the roots of political distrust and Brexit narratives at a local level
(Wiley, 2021-07-15) Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Kiefel, Max; Gartzou Katsouyanni, Kira
Based on comparative qualitative research in five local authority areas, this article argues that local context is key to understanding the roots of the U.K.'s crisis of political trust and the result of the 2016 E.U. referendum. The competing cultural and economic causes of discontent suggested by the literature were found to be deeply intertwined when analyzed from a local perspective. The sense of political disempowerment and negative attitudes toward migration were ingrained in and reinforced by locally specific socio-economic and political trajectories. These experiences were articulated and amplified by dominant discourses, which channeled frustration against the political elite and the E.U. These populist narratives, promoted by the Leave campaign and the tabloid press, became dominant in certain areas, decisively shaping citizens' voting behavior. Overall, the article highlights the value of studying how local experiences and interpretations mediate the interplay of cultural and economic causes of discontent and political distrust.
Populism Analytical Tools to Unearth the Roots of Euroscepticism
(Sage Journals, 2023-10-09) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
Populist leaders around the globe magnify pre-existing frustrations and dramatise crises to erode confidence in elites and institutions. They adapt their othering and blame attribution discourses to specific geographical realities to take advantage of local problems and prejudices. Most Eurosceptic parties apply a similar populist logic of articulation simplifying political problems, morally delegitimising their political adversaries and supranational institutions, appealing to an idealised and somewhat homogeneous notion of society as well as presenting popular sovereignty as threatened by Brussels and mainstream parties. Populism literature has developed theories and measurement tools that are very useful to explain the emergence of Eurosceptic movements and to what extent their narratives resonate with citizen’s pre-existing attitudes and/or contribute to shaping them. This article shows the value of using populism as an epistemic framework to analyse Euroscepticism and understand how parties tailor their messages (supply-side) to trigger specific beliefs and behaviours (demand-side) in the inhabitants of different geographic contexts.
Populism and Borders: Tools for Constructing “The People” and Legitimizing Exclusion
(Routledge. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022-06-08) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
This article argues theoretically and illustrates empirically that the “border” and “populism” are mutually constitutive concepts and should be considered as epistemic frameworks to understand each other. It compares quantitatively and qualitatively the electoral manifestos of four radical right parties —Vox, RN, UKIP, and Brexit Party—, and shows that borders are basic factors in the process of decontestation of “the people” and construction of exclusion-inclusion narratives. Likewise, this analysis exemplifies how (re)bordering claims are usually justified and articulated via populist discursive elements such as antagonism, morality, idealization of society, popular sovereignty and personalistic leadership. This article demonstrates that the border can become a method to study populism and vice versa and that crossfertilization between the borders and populism literatures is desirable. Further research is needed to understand whether populists’ selective instrumentalization of borders and equivalential logic leads to a non-binary hierarchical “othering” and the emergence of a populist “meta-us”.
Populism at the UN: comparing Netanyahu's and Abbas's speeches, 2010-19
(Taylor and Francis Group, 2024-04-23) Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Burton, Guy; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4361-3678
Populism impacts policy choices and may contribute to fuelling crises and limiting the prospects for conflict resolution. This paper applies a multidimensional populism theoretical framework to compare quantitatively and qualitatively 18 speeches by Mahmoud Abbas and Benjamin Netanyahu at the United Nations General Assembly between 2010 and 2019. Our analysis shows that while both Abbas and Netanyahu use populist language—mostly focused on antagonistic, moral and idealised depictions of the ‘people’ and the ‘other’—the latter consistently displayed a greater density of populist references in his UN speeches over the period analysed. Netanyahu’s discourses were both more aggressive and exclusionary and made more allusions to religion and securitisation than those of the Palestinian leader. His framing essentialised the ‘us’ (‘the Jewish people’) as threatened by an ‘enemy’; what he called ‘militant Islam’. By contrast, Abbas referred more to borders as a requirement for statehood. Their different communicative frames and language suggest discrepant worldviews. Abbas’s speeches reflected a more ‘liberal’ conception of international relations, relying more on international cooperation, institutions, and regulation to resolve the Palestinian question, while Netanyahu conveyed a realpolitik stance and stressed his concerns with external threats and willingness to act unilaterally.
Populism in Spain: Theoretical Foundations and Dominant Narratives
(Universidad de Sevilla, 2021-05-01) Olivas Osuna, José Javier::virtual::3249::600; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Olivas Osuna, José Javier
Populism has become one of the most worrying political phenomena, and given its complexity, one of the most controversial and debated today in social sciences. This article deconstructs and compares the discourses of the Spanish parties that are generally classified as populist –the left-leaning Podemos, the right-wing Vox and the Basque and Catalan secessionist parties EH Bildu, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya and Junts per Catalunya– according to five dimensions of populism: i) antagonism, ii) morality, iii) idealised construction of society, iv) exaltation of popular sovereignty, and v) personalist leadership. This article shows that, despite significant ideological and programmatic differences, all these parties share many discursive features and a similar way of articulating their communications, interpreting social and political dynamics, as well as instrumentalizing crises to build new political identities.
Recalibrating populism measurement tools: methodological inconsistencies and challenges to our understanding of the relationship between the supply- and demand-side of populism.
(Frontiers in Sociology, 2022-10-14) Rama Caamaño, José; Olivas Osuna, José Javier
The analysis of the congruence between the demand- and supply-side of populism is key to understand the relationship between citizens and populist parties, and to what extent this is mainly a “pull” or “push” phenomenon. Although the study of populism has experienced an unprecedented growth across social sciences during the last decade, research directly addressing this connection remains scarce. Moreover, most existing tools used to measure populism have not been created paying much consideration to their compatibility with those applied in the other side of this demand-supply divide. This article critically revisits the influential Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) Module 5 dataset to illustrate shortcomings regarding current efforts to measure the demand- and supply-sides of populism. We show that according to CSES data the, often presumed, correspondence between “populist” attitudes and likelihood of voting for “populist parties” is only partial and country specific. But more importantly, we identify three main potential sources of such mismatch linked to instrumental issues: (i) problems with the choice, design and operationalization of attitudinal survey items; (ii) problems in the assessment of parties’ populism; and (iii) instrument biases that make them more effective with some varieties of populism than with others. These methodological limitations are hindering our ability to settle longstanding theoretical debates concerning the correspondence between the demand- and supply-side, the relative centrality of attributes, and varieties of populism. Therefore, we invite scholars working in this field to update existing measurement tools, or develop new ones, considering the multidimensionality of this latent construct, the diversity of movements, and the need to apply consistent criteria and operationalization techniques when assessing degrees of populism in citizens and parties.

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