Publicación: Los orígenes de la memoria histórica en España: los costes del emprendimiento memorialista en la transición
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Fecha
2022
Autores
León Cáceres, Guillermo
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
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Universidad Complutense de Madrid; UNED - Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia
Resumen
Hace tiempo que existe en España un debate sobre si la transición estuvo basada en el olvido y el silencio respecto a la guerra civil y el franquismo o si, por el contrario, hubo un interés manifiesto por ambos asuntos que se vio reflejado en multitud de publicaciones. No hay duda de que el pasado bélico —mucho más que el dictatorial— estuvo presente de diversas maneras en la transición, e incluso se ha constatado que los pioneros de las reivindicaciones de lo que luego se denominó memoria histórica surgieron, precisamente, entonces. Pero lo que aquí se expone es que las acciones encaminadas a reivindicar el recuerdo de las víctimas del franquismo se produjeron, casi exclusivamente, en el ámbito local, y fueron impulsadas por familiares de los fusilados por la dictadura o, en su caso, autoridades municipales en colaboración con estos; casi nunca contaron con el respaldo de las dirigencias regionales —y menos aún nacionales— de los principales partidos y sindicatos de izquierdas.
También se subraya que quienes comenzaron a desbrozar este camino tuvieron que afrontar múltiples dificultades e, incluso, en ocasiones asumir algunos riesgos, así como lidiar con una serie de actores aún poderosos que se resistían a la democratización tanto del país como del relato histórico preexistente. Para demostrar estas afirmaciones partimos del caso de Torremejía (Badajoz), cuyo primer alcalde democrático fue objeto de una causa penal por haber ayudado a los vecinos de su localidad a trasladar los restos de los fusilados por los franquistas desde la fosa común al cementerio del pueblo. Hemos accedido, por vez primera, al expediente judicial, a testimonios directos y al archivo municipal. La importancia de este caso trasciende con creces lo meramente local y sirve para ilustrar tanto las posibilidades como los límites de la transición.
For quite a long time Spain has been debating whether its Transition to democracy was based upon oblivion or silence regarding the Spanish Civil War and Francoism, or whether an interest on both issues patently shows on many and diverse publications. Undoubtedly, the war was far more and variedly present that the dictatorship during the Transition, and now it is clear that those who pioneered what in later days would be called historical memory claims began their activities precisely during that period. The purpose of this paper, however, is to show that actions aimed to vindicate the remembrance of Francoism’s victims took place, almost exclusively, in local environments and that they were taken by relatives of those executed by the dictatorship or, if anything, local authorities in cooperation with these families. The support of the main regional, and even less so national leftist parties and unions apparatuses was barely non-existent. It is also stressed here that those who began to clear this way were faced with many difficulties, even facing personal risks and confront still powerful actors unwilling to accept the country’s democratization and the resultant change in the inherited historical narrative. The case in point used to prove all these claims is the village of Torremejía (Badajoz), whose first democratically elected mayor was sued for having helped some of his neighbors to move the remains of persons executed by Francoists from the common grave they were into the village’s cemetery. We have been the first researchers to gain access to the relevant judicial file, direct testimonies, and the village archive. The importance of this case goes well beyond the local limits and serves to illustrate both the Transition’s possibilities and its limits.
For quite a long time Spain has been debating whether its Transition to democracy was based upon oblivion or silence regarding the Spanish Civil War and Francoism, or whether an interest on both issues patently shows on many and diverse publications. Undoubtedly, the war was far more and variedly present that the dictatorship during the Transition, and now it is clear that those who pioneered what in later days would be called historical memory claims began their activities precisely during that period. The purpose of this paper, however, is to show that actions aimed to vindicate the remembrance of Francoism’s victims took place, almost exclusively, in local environments and that they were taken by relatives of those executed by the dictatorship or, if anything, local authorities in cooperation with these families. The support of the main regional, and even less so national leftist parties and unions apparatuses was barely non-existent. It is also stressed here that those who began to clear this way were faced with many difficulties, even facing personal risks and confront still powerful actors unwilling to accept the country’s democratization and the resultant change in the inherited historical narrative. The case in point used to prove all these claims is the village of Torremejía (Badajoz), whose first democratically elected mayor was sued for having helped some of his neighbors to move the remains of persons executed by Francoists from the common grave they were into the village’s cemetery. We have been the first researchers to gain access to the relevant judicial file, direct testimonies, and the village archive. The importance of this case goes well beyond the local limits and serves to illustrate both the Transition’s possibilities and its limits.
Descripción
Categorías UNESCO
Palabras clave
legados del franquismo, transición española, memoria histórica, fosas comunes, política local, acción colectiva, movimientos sociales, legacies of francoism, Spanish transition to democracy, historical memory, common graves, local politics, collective action, social movements
Citación
Aguilar Fernández, P. y León Cáceres, G. (2022). Los orígenes de la memoria histórica en España: los costes del emprendimiento memorialista en la transición. Historia y Política, 47, 317-353. doi: https://doi.org/10.18042/hp.2022.AL.02
Centro
Facultades y escuelas::Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociología
Departamento
Ciencia Política y de la Administración