Persona: Olivas Osuna, José Javier
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Olivas Osuna
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José Javier
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Publicación Iberian military politics: controlling the armed forces during dictatorship and democratisation(Palgrave Macmillan, 2014-10-29) Olivas Osuna, José JavierBy applying the nodality, authority, treasure and organisation public policy framework and neo-institutional theory to the dictatorship of Salazar and Franco respectively, this study explores the instruments that governments used to control the military and explains the divergent paths of civil-military relations in 20th Century Portugal and Spain.Publicación Populism in Spain: Theoretical Foundations and Dominant Narratives(Universidad de Sevilla, 2021-05-01) Olivas Osuna, José JavierPopulism has become one of the most worrying political phenomena, and given its complexity, one of the most controversial and debated today in social sciences. This article deconstructs and compares the discourses of the Spanish parties that are generally classified as populist –the left-leaning Podemos, the right-wing Vox and the Basque and Catalan secessionist parties EH Bildu, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya and Junts per Catalunya– according to five dimensions of populism: i) antagonism, ii) morality, iii) idealised construction of society, iv) exaltation of popular sovereignty, and v) personalist leadership. This article shows that, despite significant ideological and programmatic differences, all these parties share many discursive features and a similar way of articulating their communications, interpreting social and political dynamics, as well as instrumentalizing crises to build new political identities.Publicación The Profiteers of Fear? Right-wing Populism and the COVID-19 Crisis in Europe: Spain(Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2020) Rama Caamaño, José; Olivas Osuna, José JavierSpain has been one of the countries hardest hit by the Covid-19 crisis in terms of both the number of victims and the economic impact. Thus, on March 13, 2020 the government of Pedro Sánchez decreed a state of alarm, giving way to one of the most restrictive confinements in Europe. Meanwhile, the Spanish right-wing party VOX has clashed hard with the government during the Covid-19 crisis and even filled a no-confidence motion last October, 21st 2020. The party has also encouraged several protests against lockdown last May and October. This study aims to analyse VOX’s behaviour during the Covid-19 crisis and see to what extent it has taken advantage (or not) of the crisis. As VOX is a quite recent political party, the paper comes back on VOX’s trajectory from its foundation in 2013 to 2018/2019, when it gets parliamentary representation. It then focuses on VOX’s actions and discourse, at the Congress and other arena. Having positioned themselves as the radical opposition to Pedro Sánchez’s government during the first wave, where it is assumed that all parties will muck in together, does not seem to have damaged them yet. However, it does not seem as if they have benefited from the situation, at least not in the short term.Publicación Recalibrating populism measurement tools: methodological inconsistencies and challenges to our understanding of the relationship between the supply- and demand-side of populism.(Frontiers in Sociology, 2022-10-14) Rama Caamaño, José; Olivas Osuna, José JavierThe analysis of the congruence between the demand- and supply-side of populism is key to understand the relationship between citizens and populist parties, and to what extent this is mainly a “pull” or “push” phenomenon. Although the study of populism has experienced an unprecedented growth across social sciences during the last decade, research directly addressing this connection remains scarce. Moreover, most existing tools used to measure populism have not been created paying much consideration to their compatibility with those applied in the other side of this demand-supply divide. This article critically revisits the influential Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) Module 5 dataset to illustrate shortcomings regarding current efforts to measure the demand- and supply-sides of populism. We show that according to CSES data the, often presumed, correspondence between “populist” attitudes and likelihood of voting for “populist parties” is only partial and country specific. But more importantly, we identify three main potential sources of such mismatch linked to instrumental issues: (i) problems with the choice, design and operationalization of attitudinal survey items; (ii) problems in the assessment of parties’ populism; and (iii) instrument biases that make them more effective with some varieties of populism than with others. These methodological limitations are hindering our ability to settle longstanding theoretical debates concerning the correspondence between the demand- and supply-side, the relative centrality of attributes, and varieties of populism. Therefore, we invite scholars working in this field to update existing measurement tools, or develop new ones, considering the multidimensionality of this latent construct, the diversity of movements, and the need to apply consistent criteria and operationalization techniques when assessing degrees of populism in citizens and parties.Publicación Populism and Borders: Tools for Constructing “The People” and Legitimizing Exclusion(Routledge. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022-06-08) Olivas Osuna, José JavierThis article argues theoretically and illustrates empirically that the “border” and “populism” are mutually constitutive concepts and should be considered as epistemic frameworks to understand each other. It compares quantitatively and qualitatively the electoral manifestos of four radical right parties —Vox, RN, UKIP, and Brexit Party—, and shows that borders are basic factors in the process of decontestation of “the people” and construction of exclusion-inclusion narratives. Likewise, this analysis exemplifies how (re)bordering claims are usually justified and articulated via populist discursive elements such as antagonism, morality, idealization of society, popular sovereignty and personalistic leadership. This article demonstrates that the border can become a method to study populism and vice versa and that crossfertilization between the borders and populism literatures is desirable. Further research is needed to understand whether populists’ selective instrumentalization of borders and equivalential logic leads to a non-binary hierarchical “othering” and the emergence of a populist “meta-us”.Publicación Voting for Your Pocketbook, but against Your Pocketbook? A Study of Brexit at the Local Level(SAGE, 2021-02-25) Gartzou Katsouyanni, Kira; Kiefel, Max; Olivas Osuna, José JavierIn explaining the outcome of the 2016 EU referendum in the United Kingdom, can theories emphasizing the importance of economic factors be reconciled with the fact that many people appeared to vote against their economic self-interest? This article approaches this puzzle through case study research that draws on fieldwork and a process of reciprocal knowledge exchange with local communities in five local authorities in England and Wales. It argues that the Leave vote can be attributed partly to political discontent associated with trajectories of relative economic decline and deindustrialization. Building on the growing literature about the role of narratives and discourses in navigating uncertainty, it contends that these localized economic experiences, interpreted through local-level narratives, paved the way for local-level discourses of resilience and nationwide optimistic messaging about the economic impacts of Brexit to resonate. Local and national-level discourses discounting the potential economic costs of leaving the European Union played a crucial role in giving precise, somewhat paradoxical, political content to the sense of discontent. The article contributes to the growing focus on place and community in understanding political behavior and invites further research on local discourses linking macro-level trajectories and micro-level voting decisions.Publicación Narcisismo colectivo, populismo y perfiles políticos en Andalucía y Cataluña(Fundación CENTRA, 2022-02-27) Arias, Manuel; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Clari, Enrique; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1448-4379; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2941-0332Este artículo analiza la relación entre populismo y narcisismo colectivo a partir de los datos empíricos proporcionados por una encuesta de opinión realizada en Andalucía y Cataluña. Por narcisimo colectivo hay que entender la creencia de que el grupo al que se pertenece es excepcional y carece del reconocimiento que merece. En principio, cabría esperar que el narcisismo colectivo fuese un predictor del populismo, ya que este último se basa en la creación de un antagonismo moralista entre el pueblo auténtico y sus enemigos. Los resultados de la encuesta sugieren que la relación entre narcisismo, populismo e identidades es compleja y se encuentra mediada por factores contextuales de carácter social y político; así sucede con la identificación lingüística en Cataluña en el marco del conflicto separatista. Hallazgo adicional del trabajo es la insuficiencia de la escala de Akkerman et al. (2014) a la hora de identificar el populismo de izquierda.Publicación Varieties of Populist Attitudes in Brexit Britain: Socio-Political and Psychological Correlates of a New Multi-dimensional Scale(SAGE Publications, 2025-01-07) Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Martín Fernández, Manuel; Barrada, Juan Ramón; Moyano, Manuel; Clari, Enrique; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3606-3559; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6887-6277; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6745-0936; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2941-0332Populism is usually understood as a complex multi-dimensional phenomenon that encompasses different manifestations. However, most studies on the demand-side adopt a parsimonious minimal definition approach that hinders the ability to capture different forms of populism and the variable weight of its components. This article tests a new multi-dimensional strategy to measure and compare populist and pluralist attitudes in the context of Brexit Britain. We explore the relationship between populism and Britons’ socio-political views – on borders, democracy, governance, identity, and the European Union – and psychological traits – such as conspiracy belief, social alienation, justification of political violence, and meaning in life—. Our new Multi-dimensional Populist Attitudes Scale (MPAS) reveals two varieties of populism, ‘aspirational/subversive’ and ‘identitarian/protective’, and a non-populist ‘moderate/pluralist’ archetype. The new items introduced in the MPAS can complement (or become an alternative to) extant scales especially in contexts where populist movements do not fully fit narrow conceptualisations of populism.Publicación Populism at the UN: comparing Netanyahu's and Abbas's speeches, 2010-19(Taylor and Francis Group, 2024-04-23) Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Burton, Guy; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4361-3678Populism impacts policy choices and may contribute to fuelling crises and limiting the prospects for conflict resolution. This paper applies a multidimensional populism theoretical framework to compare quantitatively and qualitatively 18 speeches by Mahmoud Abbas and Benjamin Netanyahu at the United Nations General Assembly between 2010 and 2019. Our analysis shows that while both Abbas and Netanyahu use populist language—mostly focused on antagonistic, moral and idealised depictions of the ‘people’ and the ‘other’—the latter consistently displayed a greater density of populist references in his UN speeches over the period analysed. Netanyahu’s discourses were both more aggressive and exclusionary and made more allusions to religion and securitisation than those of the Palestinian leader. His framing essentialised the ‘us’ (‘the Jewish people’) as threatened by an ‘enemy’; what he called ‘militant Islam’. By contrast, Abbas referred more to borders as a requirement for statehood. Their different communicative frames and language suggest discrepant worldviews. Abbas’s speeches reflected a more ‘liberal’ conception of international relations, relying more on international cooperation, institutions, and regulation to resolve the Palestinian question, while Netanyahu conveyed a realpolitik stance and stressed his concerns with external threats and willingness to act unilaterally.Publicación Times of Crises: Ideology and Party System Transformations in Spain(Università del Salento, 2024) Campolongo, Francesco; Olivas Osuna, José JavierThe Spanish party system has recently undergone profound changes, marked by the rapid rise and decline of several political actors, such as Podemos and Ciudadanos, who challenged the imperfect two-party system that had characterised Spain since transition. This article examines how three major crises -the global financial crisis, the Catalan secessionist challenge, and the COVID19 pandemic-, have impacted the social imaginary and created opportunities for new framing and electoral competition strategies. Our research reconstructs changes in the Spanish ideological landscape and the relative salience of political cleavages in each of these crises. We argue that they had asymmetric impacts on party politics. Anti-establishment and nationalist populist discourses were effectively used to harness and redirect public discontent against political opponents. Political parties adapted their ideology strategically. Initially, outsider parties took advantage of the drop of trust in public institutions challenging the two-party system, but in the long run, the mainstreaming of populist interpretative frames, paradoxically, ended up consolidating two antagonistic blocs and enabled the resurgence of the two major parties, the PP and PSOE, as undisputed leaders of each of them.